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Koivulehto oli suomalais-ugrilaisten ja indoeurooppalaisten kielten kontaktien tutkimuksen uranuurtaja ja…. A Grammar of Skolt Saami. Skolt Saami is an Eastern Saami language within the Uralic family. This grammar presents an overview of the phonology, morphology and syntax of Skolt Saami, paying particular attention to its highly complex morphophonological and inflectional….

Andaca Keisarin mite Keisarin tule vrt. Lexical Variation in Saami. The study of the linguistic geography of Saami has in the main been based on phonological and morphological criteria. This study takes another approach, though, and discusses spatial variation in Saami from the point of view of lexicon.

Moksha prosody is one of the four books written by the linguists of the University of Tartu who have focused on the study of prosodic features of Finno-Ugric languages in a project initiated by Ilse Lehiste — Ilse Lehiste, an outstanding…. Materials on Forest Enets is the first comprehensive and functional-typologically informed description of a Samoyedic language.

It covers all major aspects of the grammar of Forest Enets as spoken by its last fluent speakers in Potapovo and Dudinka. Depending on the resultant configuration of the legal-institutional framework of language education, the dynamics in implementing the goal of language teaching extension in regions varied. How have different regional configurations of the legal-institutional framework affected language teaching?

This study explores the position of Finno-Ugric languages in Russian regional education systems using a legal-institutional approach. The effect of the policy is studied by employing calculation of the dynamics in the relative share of native language learners in school. The empirical study demonstrates that the frameworks of teaching the native languages in Finno-Ugric republics and autonomous districts are comparable, but that access to native language learning was provided to differing degrees.

Research for this article was made possible through the grant of the Academy of Finland, research project Revitalization and Empowerment Trends among the EU and Russian Minorities chair: That is why the national republics and other regions of post-Soviet Russia adopted extensions of native language teaching in school as one of the central goals of their language revival projects in an attempt to reverse the decline of non-Russian languages. Among the domains of language use in the public sphere, education is arguably the most important mechanism for ensuring the transmission of languages to the next generations like the family in the private sphere.

According to newly introduced democratic principles, private language use in the family was not a matter of regulations and restrictions, although compulsory use of languages in public sphere, including education, could and had to be introduced. To achieve this language extension goal, regional authorities adopted legislation and created further institutional frameworks for language education that introduced compulsory teaching of titular languages either to all students or only to those of titular nationality.

Depending on the resulting configuration of the legal-institutional framework of language education, the dynamics in implementing the goal of language teaching extension varied in different regions. The language education policy in the Finno-Ugric republics has received less scholarly attention: Lallukka , Mosin , Savelyeva , Shutov , Strogalshchikova Addressing this gap, a systemic comparison of the language education in the Finno-Ugric and Volga Turkic republics has been done that presented preliminary data on the extent of language teaching in an attempt to reveal the trends in the twenty-year post-Soviet dynamics Zamyatin b.

However, to gain a deeper understanding not just of results, but also of possible causes for these trends, one should further connect the trends to the changes in the institutional position of languages in education according to regional legislations. Moreover, to address institutional variety, a study should undertake a comparison across dissimilar types of regions. The choice of specifically Finno-Ugric languages and regions was determined by the fact that the diverse situations of Finno-Ugric languages reflect the linguistic diversity of Russia as a whole. The languages belonging to this group are divided among the three major categories of minority languages spoken in Russia.

This diversity is also represented in Russian education: In its first section on the study methods, the article will elaborate on the process of comparison and will examine the legal and institutional framework of non-Russian language teaching built up in the Russian education system in the early s. This framework predetermined possible ways of implementing the regional language revival policy and the methods and procedures of its evaluation.

The study gives only a short overview of the general Russian framework for language education for an extended analysis see Zamyatin a and is rather devoted to the regional developments. A separate interesting issue not discussed here is how and to what extent the nationalist elites were able, on the rise of popular movements, to push their nationalist agenda as part of language demands on regional authorities and forced them to make certain choices.

Status of the Finno- Ugric languages in Russia. This section will also address the teaching of Finno-Ugric languages in non-titular regions and in autonomous districts. Despite the common education space, in the early s regional authorities could and had to make important choices regarding the place of titular languages in education.

As a result of these choices, language education is unique in each region. So far only succinct comparative overviews of regional legislations are available internationally e. In order to provide the basis for an extensive comparison, this study explores, from the legal-institutional perspective, a variety of regional legal acts and policy-defining documents approved since the early s. In the conclusion, the study will summarise the argument that the regional frameworks of language education were important but also limited in time and scope mechanisms for reproduction of non-Russian language competence.

The frameworks in dissimilar types of regions are comparable, although the access to native language learning was provided on a different scale. However, the federal policy shift at the turn of the millennium was followed by eradication of regional language revival projects. In particular, since the education reform, access to native language learning was falling in practically all regions, that is, even in those regions where the institutional position of titular languages was relatively stronger.

The outlined trends imply that already in one generation the absolute number of individuals reporting themselves as belonging to the Finno-Ugric peoples in Russia will plummet in time. Federal legislation has supremacy over regional legislation and serves as a framework for regional policies. A study of regional developments would be very limited unless it addresses this general framework. Therefore, the Constitution recognised both individual and collective language rights.

The republics received the right to institute their own state languages. Legislations of some republics established the compulsory study of their state languages. The other languages could be used in the official spheres of communication i. Typically, in regional language laws the compulsory study of native languages was not established explicitly. The practice of compulsory native language teaching was established on the basis of administrative regulations. Even those rights that were recognised were not self-executing, that is, cannot be invoked directly in court.

In addition to the formal adoption of legal norms and recognition of some linguistic rights their implementation had to be further performed as an extended-in-time complex of administrative measures at the level of regions. That is why much was left at the discretion of bureaucrats and the role of regional education agencies —ministries or departments of education— was central in this. Their amount differed in extent from region to region and from republic to republic.

Such measures typically included the creation of facilities for textbook publishing and teachers training as well as language teaching methodology. New departments were opened in higher and secondary professional education institutions for training of mother tongue teachers. These bodies were responsible for reporting on advances in the language revival and employed certain criteria of evaluation.

These measures, which largely influence the quality of education, are not in the focus of this research, which is restricted rather to the institutional choices regions made. Using these institutional settings the regional authorities took advantage of the possibility to adopt in their legislation the policy of language revival in education as a reaction to language shift and assimilation. The policy goal became an extension of the compulsory native language teaching to all students of the relevant nationality. In addition, the regional authorities could decide on issues relating to the following: The answers to these two issues depended much on sociolinguistic factors such as the proportion of the titular group in the population and are discussed in the following paragraphs.

The study assumes, however, that an answer to this normative question in choosing policy goals would, by its adoption, lead to certain outcomes not only in policy implementation but also in the selection of certain criteria for evaluation. The factors affecting the evaluation of language policy in education are, in the first place, the language attitudes in society at large, its readiness to invest in maintaining its multilingualism, and the approaches of various actors in language planning and participants in the education process.

The actors in language planning are federal and regional authorities, regional education bodies and education institutions see also taxonomy in Khruslov , p. The large number of actors and participants poses not only the problem of what language policy should be adopted, but also of how to select the criteria for evaluation of language planning in education, be it in the republics or in other subjects of the Russian Federation. Indeed, citizens may have individual linguistic rights but are not obliged to exercise them. By these settings, the conditions for ensuring the constitutional right of the peoples to preserve, study and develop their languages must be made available by the state authorities.

Therefore, a criterion lobbied by national revival organisations and used hitherto by republican ministries of education incorporated a collective dimension; it aims to increase the demand level to that of supply, and subsequently extend the supply, and stipulates the corresponding acquisition and language prestige planning.

In addition, as regards the former autonomous republics of the RSFSR unlike most former union republics of the USSR , both their titular language and Russian were declared as their state languages. This concerns all the Finno-Ugric republics except Karelia. With the exception of the Republics of Tuva and Chechnya, where the titular language was designated and functioned for several years as the sole state language, in the former autonomous republics both titular and Russian were designated as the state languages in the early s.

In some cases, e. Authorities traditionally use formal quantitative criteria. The absolute data are provided both at regional and federal level on the number of education institutions where languages other than Russian are taught or used as the medium of instruction, and the absolute numbers of pupils studying their native or state language.

Additionally, the numbers of published textbooks and trained teachers of mother tongue are sometimes given. Their approach is that all students of the titular ethnic origin there had to learn their native language.

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Figures are produced on the total number of pupils studying state languages and the number of schools teaching them, for instance, in Komi and Mari El. The percentage of pupils studying titular or native languages, if counted, is typically stated in relation to the total number of schoolchildren in the region, which includes Russian-speaking children. As the experience of the current study as well as other research studies witnesses Stepanov , p. Researchers from regions sometimes get access to the data from the archives of the ministries of education, but it is much more difficult to collect cross-regional data.

This explains why little systemic research has been done so far in the Finno-Ugric republics. In contrast, the Tatarstan and Bashkortostan authorities regularly provide the data on the relative share of students learning native language not only of titular but also of regional minority populations. The problem with absolute indicators is that more often than not, the practice of evaluation based on formal criteria does not reveal the actual trends characterising the situation of languages in education.

The latter, however, does not reveal the real situation, either. Sometimes the official data may even bear marks of attempts by the authorities to stretch the truth, when the regional data are aggregated at the federal level. For example, it has been reported that languages other than Russian are taught in more than a quarter of schools in Russia: There are 6, general education institutions applying native languages in the education process in the Russian Federation 9. The share of schoolchildren learning native languages among all students is almost a half less In the current study this divergence between the numbers of schools and students was observed as typical for the data from the Finno-Ugric republics.

In Tatarstan native language schools are not only Tatar national schools but also mixed schools with parallel classes of instruction in Tatar and Russian. Native languages are typically taught in small rural primary schools or in separate classes of urban schools. Therefore, the number of schools in a region listed in official reports as having language teaching does not disclose, but rather conceals, the information on what share of schoolchildren have access to education. Even less informative are the aggregated data on the number of languages used in the education system, which is a primary indicator of use both in official federal reports on the situation of languages e.

Indeed, it is enough for a language to be used at least in one school in Russia for this language to be listed as a language used in education system see Zamyatin a, pp. This criterion differs from previously used collective demand criteria in that it stipulates reducing the level of supply to the level of demand and would further lead to the reduction of demand. In the reformed system the supply of the teaching of native languages in the republics may in many places exceed the demand.

Previously the non-Russian languages could be used as the native language of instruction and native language teaching as a subject within both the mandatory and variative part of the school curriculum. The education reform of transformed the mode of native language teaching by giving the schools the decision over it within the variative part of the curriculum. This transformation itself reduces the demand, because of the lowered place of language education in the education system.

Application of this criterion would produce in the long run indications of a much lower demand than that obtained by applying ethnic and linguistic self-identification of pupils, a method used in population censuses and sociological research studies ordered by authorities of the republics. Moreover, the language revival agenda, which operated through extending the network of schools teaching native languages, is taken completely off the table. The number of small rural schools is significant and despite their continuing closure still counts for notably more than a half of all schools in Russia.

The data on the number of schools are often available, but not analysed in the current study. A separate study focused on the dynamics in the number of schools and their types could be helpful in further testing the argument that so far the dynamics in language education was determined first of all by closure of small rural schools. Native language is taught both to those with language knowledge and those without it. According to the proposed scheme, the parents themselves have to express linguistic demands based on their ethnicity. The issue of too high a threshold of sufficient demand becomes central.

In fact, establishment of smaller and not bigger classes is allowed but discouraged by a mechanism of per-pupil funding. Sometimes one of subgroups learns the native language and the second learns some other subject. By this high threshold it would be realistic to satisfy the linguistic demands only in the areas with dense minority populations.

Thus, the group vulnerable to denial of linguistic demands is pretty big. This way the fact would escape attention and proper estimation that a large segment of children of non-Russian ethnic origin, particularly in cities and towns, is stripped of the possibility to study their native language.

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The alternative possibility is to establish linguistic demand by the actual language knowledge of children, which is even narrower because it excludes children of a certain ethnic origin without language knowledge. The motivation of parents and children in language learning becomes the central issue for initiating language teaching.

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The recently conducted sociological research studies in the Finno-Ugric Republics witness the fact that in general a significant number of parents are in favour of teaching the native language to their children Etnokulturnoe obrazovanie , Pravovoi status However, the overall linguistic situation does not provide incentives to learn stigmatised minority languages.

So far the republics may themselves establish the teaching of state languages by passing respective laws. Among the Finno-Ugric republics Komi, Mari El and Mordovia have formally retained the compulsory teaching of their titular state languages to all schoolchildren. According to Ministry of Education data, between the academic years and —12 the share of students learning Bashkir either as a native or state language among all students dropped from A significant decrease in the share of state language learners within a few years could easily be predicted.

Therefore, in the Finno-Ugric republics not all pupils are taught their native, nor are they taught the state languages, while in the Volga- and Ural-area Turkic republics not all students receive native-language instruction, nor do they all study the titular state languages. This gap between formal provisions and practice implies the need for an evaluation of efficiency of language policy in the republics and selection of its criteria. These criteria do not contradict each other, but imply the different measures to be taken. That is why in this study, evaluation is based on the latter criterion.

The focus of the analysis is on the linguistic demands of communities, first of all, in republics. Therefore, this study is not confined to comparing the absolute numbers of schoolchildren of titular origin who study their language as a state or native language, but instead is focused on calculating relative shares of native language learners among all schoolchildren of titular origin.

Accordingly, the relative share of those of them who have access to study their language in any of the three teaching modes is used as the quantitative indicator to analyse changes in the volume of language teaching. Following the examination of the regional institutional solutions directed at language teaching extension, the study explores how these solutions were implemented in the three modes. In order to elucidate adequately the implementation, the study assesses the policy effect by following the data on the dynamics in the relative share of native language learners in school.

Unless available in official sources 3 this are often reports from regional education agencies or in expert evaluations, the share of the students of a titular nationality is calculated by comparing the absolute numbers of language learners with the absolute number of titular students among all students of a region the latter data available in Rossiiskii ; the number of students of titular ethnic origin is found based on the share of the titular groups in the total regional populations according to data from population censuses Natsionalnyi sostav , , This timing roughly reflects both the historical frame and the population census arranged each tenth year, providing the statistical background for research.

A structured analysis is needed to find out what is the impact of the language education policy behind demographic factors. Any version of this method also has an inherent drawback: The data on certain education institutions were analysed only. These are public institutions not private ones ; institutions of general education not professional, additional or corrective education ; schools not pre-school or higher education institutions ; day schools not evening groups or Sunday schools ; with teaching of the titular language as a mandatory subject not an optional subject.

Indeed, the pre-school education is particularly important for teaching Finno-Ugric languages. Although the use of languages in pre-school institutions is an important topic deserving separate analysis, due to lack of space it is not discussed here. For the purpose of this article the data on schools and pre-school institutions have been separated wherever possible. According to the obtained data, on average, kindergartens using native Finno-Ugric languages in upbringing are provided on a lesser scale than schools.

In the reports on language teaching, for instance, the education authorities of some regions may present the figures on compulsory and optional study of titular languages as one aggregate figure. This might be one of the reasons for divergence between the federal and regional data. For this study, the data reported by regional authorities were preferred whenever accessible. As the sources of these data are closer to the grass-roots level; they are usually more accurate than those produced by the Russian Ministry of Education Strogalshchikova , p.

Regional data are also valuable because, in some cases, they provide information on the share of learners of the titular language in certain modes among the total number of schoolchildren in the region or even in the whole ethnic group. Apart from the inconsistency of data, data may contain errors or even false figures. Typically, all other factors held equal, official data tend to present a better picture than is actually the case because they omit such circumstances as the absence of a teacher or a lesson despite their presence in reports, etc.

The language competence of children entering school varies from a total lack of knowledge to fluency, depending on their family background and sociolinguistic situation. Further, the quality of teaching varies depending on the availability and quality of textbooks and supply materials, on the quality of teacher training, and on methods of teaching. Finally, the language competence of school graduates varies from a total lack of functional communicative skills to fluency, depending on the quality and amount of teaching. To adequately evaluate linguistic skills, a qualitative study should include in a set of variables the issue of language testing.

All this impairs the accuracy of evaluation. Omission of some qualitative and quantitative variables tends to compress the confidence interval, making the results open to further discussion. Yet, the significance of the republics and their education systems for language maintenance cannot be underestimated.

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The retention rates of Finno-Ugric language are higher among those living in the titular republic. According to the population census, within the borders of their titular republics are The titular populations in the Finno-Ugric Republics. Representatives of titular groups in republican populations. Share of titular groups in the total population of the republic. Representatives of the titular group in Russia. Natsionalnyi sostav , , ; Finno-ugorskii mir ; Lallukka Among them only Komi and Mari El introduced, in the early s, the compulsory study of the titular state languages by all students irrespective of their ethnicity.

Despite the official status, a separate decision on the compulsory study of titular state languages was needed. If a region, irrespective of its ethnic minority being densely or disparately settled, represents a historically integrated poly-ethnic and poly-cultural space instead of an administrative territory with borders drawn in a purely arbitrary manner, or to put it another way, if the Russian and non-Russian ethnic groups have been living in close cultural interaction over many decades or centuries in that region, then the mutual alternate use of respective languages by the same people plays an essential social role, [and therefore] both languages should be used to an adequate degree in education at the local level to all schoolchildren, and not only those to whom the respective language is native Dyachkov , p.

Unsurprisingly, the compulsory learning of the state languages of republics was from time to time under challenge on the side of parents. Already as far back as , the Constitutional Court of the Komi Republic ruled that the compulsory teaching of both state languages was compliant with the Constitution of the Republic: The latter resolution included a clause demanding that state languages of republics be taught under the federal education standards.

This means that, on the one hand, no request on behalf of children and their parents is needed and, on the other hand, limits are imposed on the amount of teaching of the titular language. The syllabus normally provides up to two hours per week for study of the titular language as state language in republics. This is enough to acquaint students with the language but not to develop sufficient language competence. In Bashkortostan the Language Law was passed only in due to a problem surrounding the decision as to whether the Tatar language should be another state language there.

Russian parents are reported to be against the teaching of the Bashkir language to their children, while the Tatar parents wanted the teaching of the native Tatar language for their children Gabdrafikov a, b. Given the policy shift, the other republics are unlikely to introduce the compulsory study of their state languages. The exclusionary recent developments in Bashkortostan and Mordovia discussed below rather support this premise. The following statement from Tatarstan was represented as a typical complaint: Neither the children nor the parents are happy with this situation.

After all, there are specialist schools in the republic for anyone who wishes to study the native Tatar language in greater depth. The curriculum is seriously flawed, with the result that pupils end up knowing neither Russian nor Tatar. And this has been going on for many years. We live in Russia and are a subject of the Russian Federation, so why should our children be educated differently? In amendments made to the Komi Education Law in , the policy of gradual transition to compulsory teaching of the Komi language to all schoolchildren up to the seventh grade was confirmed.

In , prior to perestroika and the reforms that followed, there were 14, pupils studying Komi Gabov , p. In the academic year —91 their number rose to 19,, of which 15, were studying Komi as the native language and 3, as the state language; this made nearly In the academic year —95, Komi was studied by 17, pupils as the native language and by 10, as the state language, making up In —, Komi was studied by 16, pupils as the native language and by 21, as the state language; this was However, the important change came at the beginning of the —04 academic year, when Komi as a native language started to be taught for three instead of five hours per week and Komi as a state language for one instead of three hours Mosin , , p.

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A slow growth in the share of pupils studying Komi among all pupils in the republic continued throughout the first decade of the new century. The article, among other things, restored compulsory teaching of both Komi and Russian as state languages in all education institutions. Until recent years, teaching of Komi had been gradually extending. Komi was studied as the native language by only 6, pupils 6. Additionally, throughout the observed period less than one thousand students learned Komi as an optional subject Education in the Komi Republic , It should be noted that the mode of teaching as the state language is intended primarily for those pupils who lack a good command or even any knowledge of the language; this cannot but influence the linguistic competence the students finally acquire.

In —96 the numbers of pupils studying Mari as the native and the state language were respectively 29, and 21, or The department of national problems of education in the Ministry of Education was created in Mari El quite early, too, but had already been abolished by Salo , p. The mechanism that abolished compulsory language teaching was described by a researcher as follows: Only five of them include the study of Mari as a compulsory subject, and in the amount of two lessons per week. The exacerbated situation in language teaching was among the causes of the conflict that emerged in Mari El and attracted international attention.

This partly explains why the official data on the share of pupils studying Mari diverge from those supplied by independent experts. However, a more detailed analysis shows that in the indicated year Mari was taught in grades 1—11 to 18, or Thus, the total share of those who were taught Mari in either mode was probably slightly more than half of 82, schoolchildren in the republic about It is important to note that today over half the children who study Mari are taught it as the state language.

As one of the consequences, as with the Komi Republic, the share of language learners is significant for the urban schools. It was only as late as in that a policy of language revival was officially adopted in this republic. In —95, the Mordvin languages were taught to 15, schoolchildren Kazimov et al.


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This means that unlike the other republics, the share of the students learning the titular languages even somewhat decreased. The reform has made the teaching of Mordvin languages Erzya and Moksha a topical issue in the Republic of Mordovia. According to our estimation, this raised the share of schoolchildren of the titular nationality who were taught their own language in either mode to about In practice, this attempt boiled down to letting schools decide themselves whether or not they would teach the local language as a compulsory subject Shilov , Shabaev et al.

Currently the Mordvin languages are taught mostly as state languages.

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The number of children studying Erzya or Moksha as the native language at senior, middle and junior school respectively for one, two and three hours per week shrank to 7, see Network of Schools , while there were already 15, children studying Mordvin languages as state languages. Out of the total number of 69, schoolchildren in the republic ibid. A comparison of absolute figures allows the assumption that in —10 about half of Erzya and Moksha children in the titular republic were taught their mother tongue either as the native language including as the language of instruction or the state language.

An increase in the share of pupils learning mother languages may probably be explained, inter alia , by their continued studies against the background of a rapidly declining total number of schoolchildren.


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  • Teaching the state languages is thus no more mandatory under the present legislation. Nevertheless, it is recommended that the Mordvin languages and literature are taught as native for four in secondary and five hours in primary education per week and as a state language for two hours Methodical recommendations Those children who are taught the titular language as native, study it not at their choice but by decision of their school.

    As pointed out above, because of the transition to teaching Mordvin languages as state languages the share of pupils who study them as native languages has dropped by half in recent years. It is more difficult, thus, to evaluate the dynamic development of language teaching as a tool for reproduction of a specific linguistic community. Analysis of the secondary sources allows us to assume that their share in Komi and Mari El has been increasing since the early s and probably now over half the children of titular origin can study their languages either as state or native language.

    Some further decrease was predetermined by the overall decline in the number of students: Before the reform, native languages were taught within the national-regional and school components of the curriculum. The abrogation of these components caused concern in republics that native language teaching would be dropped entirely. After negotiations and compromises, the initiators of the reform announced that under the new legislation the language can be taught as native in the segment of the main curriculum formed by participants in the education process, that is, by teachers, children and their parents.

    Russian used to be the only language of final certification exams in the basic secondary and complete secondary education. Language planning is hence focused on providing access to learning native languages for all schoolchildren of the titular and other nationalities, irrespective of their will. The sustainability of languages within the respective linguistic communities is both the goal and the criterion of evaluation of language planning and language policy in general.

    However, later the department was transformed into just a sector of national education in the Ministry of Education and Science. In —01 it was taught as the native language to 33, pupils or The total number of pupils studying Udmurt in —06 was 22, Ministry of Education Dept. Typically these are normal schools with national classes.